After weeks of nervous anticipation in the financial markets and in the capitals of America’s trading partners, Donald Trump’s “Liberation Day” tariffs have arrived, and, even by his standards, they are shockingly high and wide-ranging. After delivering a potted economic history of the country in which he bizarrely claimed that the Great Depression would have been avoided if high tariffs had been in place, Trump announced that “reciprocal tariffs” would go into effect on April 9th, with rates of 34 per cent on goods imported from China, 24 per cent on Japan, and 20 per cent on the European Union. Some of the highest rates were reserved for export-led developing countries in Asia: 46 per cent on Vietnam, 48 per cent on Laos, and 49 per cent on Cambodia.
After weeks of nervous anticipation in the financial markets and in the capitals of America’s trading partners, Donald Trump’s “Liberation Day” tariffs have arrived, and, even by his standards, they are shockingly high and wide-ranging. After delivering a potted economic history of the country in which he bizarrely claimed that the Great Depression would have been avoided if high tariffs had been in place, Trump announced that “reciprocal tariffs” would go into effect on April 9th, with rates of 34 per cent on goods imported from China, 24 per cent on Japan, and 20 per cent on the European Union. Some of the highest rates were reserved for export-led developing countries in Asia: 46 per cent on Vietnam, 48 per cent on Laos, and 49 per cent on Cambodia.
These levies are separate from the ones Trump has already imposed on steel, aluminum, and foreign-made cars and parts. “Taken as a whole, his tariffs represent a dramatic expansion from the more narrowly targeted duties he imposed in his first term—some of which the Biden Administration retained—and a final nail in the coffin for the open trading environment that reigned before 2016,” John Cassidy writes.
Trump claimed that the tariffs would lure manufacturers back, create jobs, and raise a great deal of money in new revenues. But regardless, of the prospects of his policies boosting U.S. manufacturing over the long term, in the short term they are likely to inflict pain on two major constituents of the G.O.P. coalition: working-class MAGA voters and Republicans in business. “While some of Trump’s supporters may cheer him for trying to protect the industries and communities they work in, they will now pay higher prices for everything from clothes and electronics imported from Asia to French wines and Irish whiskey to cars built inside and outside the United States,” Cassidy notes. Read his full column.
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